3 edition of Islamist challenge in Algeria found in the catalog.
Bibliography: p397-406. - Includes index.
|The Physical Object|
|Number of Pages||419|
Moreover, it not only failed as a policy but also delegitimized any possibility of Berber specificity within the budding nationalist discourse and praxis. However, almost under the radar, new ways of Berber imagining, in the sense used by Benedict Anderson, among segments of their diverse community, and new forms of political, and proto-political, action have emerged in recent decades. Central to this mix since the beginning of recorded history have been its native Berber-speaking peoples. But these tendencies, rooted in the particularism of tribe and village, also were believed to give the Berbers their inner essence in the face of more powerful conquering civilizations.
This study will seek to analyze the underpinnings and the dynamics, both within particular Berber communities and between them and state authorities, that resulted in the emergence of a modern Berber identity movement in the decades after independence, just when many thought that Berber culture and specificity could be consigned to the museum. In a new preface, journalist and Islamic scholar Malise Ruthven offers a potted biography of Hourani, while his afterword is a skilful summation of events in the past two decades including a section on the Islamist challenge in Algeria. In the Balkans and Central Asia, Islamism has had little attraction for Western-oriented populations. However, the incidence of terrorism is on the rise in the Maghreb.
According to Dalacoura, all these cases show that political participation does not necessarily lead to moderation of radical Islamist movements and can only partly account for it. Chadli also seems to have underestimated the electoral appeal of the FIS, which not only swept the local elections inbut also the first round of national elections inalmost winning an absolute majority of seats in the first round alone. On the other hand, a transnational, rootless existence, which in the case of al-Qaeda reinforced its lack of connectedness with political processes, does not necessarily lead other radical transnational Islamist movements like Hizb ut Tahrir to adopt terrorist tactics. Share via Email Albert Hourani's newly updated bestseller is underpinned by a keen awareness of the precariousness of the Arab world's regimes. Radical Islamists have been successful in mobilizing opposition to corrupt regimes, yet they have failed to translate their utopian vision into reality.
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Following a discussion of the regionally traditional Islam as a tool in resistance against the French in the 19th century, he moves on to a discussion of a reformist Islam as a mainly cultural tool of national affirmation in the early 20th century.
Islamist governments in Afghanistan and Sudan relied upon violence to remain in power and ultimately collapsed. Political repression and exclusion also did not push the Tunisian Nahda movement towards the adoption of terrorism or any other form of radicalism.
These strands are so diverse that one may even ask if there is anything at all that unites them. Radical Islamists have been successful in mobilizing opposition to corrupt regimes, yet they have failed to translate their utopian vision into reality.
Nonetheless, an explicitly Amazigh identity movement, backed by and intertwined with elements of the Berber Diaspora, has become part of the larger political and social spectrums in North Africa's two leading countries. The Touareg of the Sahel countries, particularly Niger and Mali, have been in open, often violent conflict with their central governments for years.
Islamist movements proved unable to dislodge the existing regimes in Egypt and Algeria.
Excerpts: The Maghrib i. This, of course, points to another interesting parallel with the Arab Spring, these being the bifurcation of society and especially the attractiveness of political Islam — or alternatively anybody who positions himself against the state as recent events in Egypt and the Tunisian interior have shown — as an alternative for those de facto excluded from the relative prosperity offered to a select few by an over-regulated economic system.
This attitude was similar to trends in Europe among the promoters of nationally accepted, "high" written languages, which themselves had to be standardized before claiming their allegedly "natural" authority prescribed by the language ideology most commonly associated with Johann Gottfried Herder.
Partly funded by the United States Institute of Peace, Islamist Terrorism and Democracy in the Middle East challenges this widely held assumption through a detailed investigation into the activities of both radical and moderate Islamist groups across the Middle East.
Willis starts out his book, based on his Ph. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, in contrast, was slightly influenced by its partial inclusion in the political process, but its initial major shift towards moderation had occurred largely as a result of repression under Nasser, and subsequently under Sadat and Mubarak.
However, the incidence of terrorism is on the rise in the Maghreb. The FIS called a general strike against this clearly anti-democratic attempt, yet it failed to mobilize a majority of working Algerians in support of this strike. In the latter part of the book a tapestry of first-person female voices conveys the experiences of participants — rebel fighters, torture victims, exiles — in the vicious struggle against France.
Like its fellow monarchies elsewhere in the Middle East, the Moroccan palace acted more as a supreme arbiter over society than as a disruptive, transforming force. The Algerian President at the time, Chadli Bendjedidpositioned himself in favour of a further opening of the political system allowing competitive elections first at the local level in and then nationally in An underlying assumption of this analysis is that modern Berber identity as an idea and, increasingly, as a movement serves as a tangible counterpoint to both state-dominated political and social life and opposition Islamist currents.
The Arabic word barbar "babble noisily," "jabber"related to barbaroi, was applied to the people whose language seemed so odd, hence the name "Berber. But these tendencies, rooted in the particularism of tribe and village, also were believed to give the Berbers their inner essence in the face of more powerful conquering civilizations.
Yet the alarm raised over a previous wave of Islamism in the early s, which threatened to overwhelm Egypt and Algeria and spill into the Balkans and Central Asia, proved to be unfounded.
In the Amazigh case, the existing bogeyman, i. The prime target of these efforts was the French language, which had struck roots during the colonial era as the language of government and public life.
He also edited the last seven volumes of the Middle East Contemporary Survey. She remembers the Algeria of her youth, recounts the changes that have gradually consumed her country, and laments the horrifying realities that face Algerian women today.
Yet the alarm raised over a previous wave of Islamism in the early s, which threatened to overwhelm Egypt and Algeria and spill into the Balkans and Central Asia, proved to be unfounded. In their discussions, Messaoudi gives a first-hand perspective of the situation in her homeland.In so doing, it poses a challenge to the existing political and sociocultural orders in Morocco and Algeria, while serving as an important counterpoint to the oppositionist Islamist current.
This is the first book-length study to analyze the rise of the modern ethnocultural Berber/Amazigh movement in North Africa and the Berber diaspora. Start studying North Africa, The Maghreb: Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Tunisa.
Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. This scenario occurred in Algeria twenty years ago. What started as a turn toward liberal democracy, instead paved the way for an Islamist political majority.
Subsequently, the Algerian military preemptively squashed the Islamists and any notion of an Islamic state. With it. Jul 21, · Challenges Facing Algeria’s Future July 21, Imad K.
Harb. Print; Download Share; By any measure, Algeria appears to have overcome the cataclysmic events of its civil war that ravaged it in the s and killed overpeople after its military staged a coup in to prevent the Islamists from gaining power. The country has conducted periodic presidential and parliamentary.
The Hardcover of the Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independence to the Arab Spring by Michael Willis at Barnes & Award Winners Book Club Selections Books by Author Books by Series Coming Soon Kids' Books.
Feb 19, · The Islamist Challenge in Algeria: A Political History [Michael Willis] on sylvaindez.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. In recent years, Algeria has been rocked by social upheaval, protest, and spasmodic violence.
Like many countries caught between the tides of fundamentalist religion and secular cultureCited by: